Ndugai: A Greek Tragedy or a Shakespearean tragedy?

What you need to know:

  • Shakespearean tragedies reduced the role of fate and divine powers and placed emphasis on the individuals’ actions and their role in bringing one’s prosperity or their ruin

Mr Job Ndugai resigned as parliament speaker, bringing an end to a tumultuous chapter of his nearly seven years in the post.

His political fate was sealed when President Samia Suluhu Hassan rejected his late, qualified apology.

The responses from his resignation have ranged from those who see his resignation as something good for the stability of the long ruling party, CCM to those who have misgivings about one pillar of the state ‘forcing’ the head of another pillar of the state into resigning; with others even claiming that his resignation is ‘unconstitutional’ or that it underscores the need for a new constitution.

Ancient Greeks loved their convoluted tragedies, where little was in the hands of individuals, with much left to fate and divine powers. Shakespearean tragedies reduced the role of fate and divine powers and placed emphasis on the individuals’ actions and their role in bringing one’s prosperity or their ruin.

Was it hamartia? Was it hubris?

For someone whose political career was no extraordinary, one who rose through the ranks mostly courtesy of his own party, it is difficult to fully comprehend what drove him to directly point a finger of blame to his party chairperson.

With intra-party elections ahead, as if laying the blame squarely at the president was not enough, how did he mention 2025 and the possibility of voters picking somebody else?

At a time of fractured political transition this was far too dangerous than talking about the country’s debt.

Opposition politicians who claim this could not have happened if the country had a new constitution in place are either lying or misleading those listening to them for obvious purposes. This was party politics. In countries with a dominant political party in charge, much of political power derives from one’s political party.

The state machinery cannot shield an individual from such political realities. There have been presidents on the continent who were swept out of office because of the political winds blowing from within their political parties.

If the processes that end up with an individual occupying a certain public office start from within a political party, how then, can it not be brought to an end in some instances by the tides from within the same political party? This is even more so in our political setting where so much decisions within political parties are made behind closed doors.

When the president fired back, those within the party who were hesitant before because they were unsure of where it will all go, came out calling for his resignation.

No one called for him to be expelled from the party.

When the president spoke for the second time, even some MPs were bold enough to declare that they will call for a motion of no confidence against him should he fail to resign.

He knew the numbers against him were there; his goose was very cooked. After all, the president had pointed an accusatory finger at MPs as well for referencing a ‘transition’ in some of their debates.

Our political parties system has so far maintained some key salient features from the days of the one-party state.

One of these is that it is political suicide attacking your own party leader. All those who do so have either ended up on the exit door, forced through it or with so much to lose begged their party leaders for mercy.

This is true regardless of whether it is CCM or opposition parties. There were opposition MPs who lost their seats because they fell out with the leaders of their parties. Others had to go to courts of law to retain their seats. The twelfth parliament he led until his resignation has some members whose legitimacy is contested because their own party threw them out.

There is a litany of examples here. It is considered insubordination.

Mr Ndugai fought his own share of battles against individuals he considered to have been disrespectful to him or parliament. He rarely responded well to criticism no matter how valid or not, whether aimed at him directly or the institution he led.

There were MPs who lost their places in the parliamentary committees for ‘insubordination’.

A former CAG was unceremoniously sent packing for claiming parliament was ‘weak’. How then, could he forget all this?

There are those who consider his political career to be over after this political storm.

Others think CCM will now sail safely to 2025. Stranger things have happened in the past, and this was not even the biggest political crisis for the long ruling party.

There will be more severe political turbulence as 2025 draws near.