... IN THE 'POSTCOLONIAL' : Nepotism, ethnicity deep-rooted in Tanzanian politics

Household and kinship politics were not introduced by the colonial systems. What the colonial system introduced in the colonies, and is highlighted in the politics of the ‘postcolonial’ environments is social differentiation. Let me explain this.

Differentiation is a process that reproduces multiple specialised versions of the same system’s identity. For example, at the wake of colonial domination in Africa and elsewhere in the world, there were existing leadership and governance structures.

In many colonies, especially in Africa, such structures were not relinquished by the colonial administration.

Rather, these were used as launching pads for colonial rule. In doing so, the colonial systems introduced social, associational, livelihood-environmental and traditional-political structures.

As a result, the ‘postcolonial’ environmental became rife with different social stratums, especially in Africa.

These ranged from sharpening lineage and tribal differences among community members to supporting “boundaries and structures of higher (associational life’s) selectivity”, Luhmann (1977).

Glaring are some of the effects of differentiation patterns, such as the Rwandan genocide, civil unrests in most ‘postcolonial’ environments, tribalism in Kenya, inequalities in the human society – patriarchy and the ever widening gap between the haves and the have nots just to mention a few. All this is advantageous to the imperial capitalist system.

It is therefore, pertinent to see the introduction of Ujamaa policies Tanzania as a deliberate measure and an attempt to “restructure local and kinship relationships”, Guyer (1981).

Subsequently, land stewardship remained in the hands of the newly formed associational life structures.

But the new economic dispensation in Tanzania not only brought differentiation, but also heightened the sense of the need for individual gain - the rise of ‘Wabenzi’ and ‘Nizers’.

While this should not be seen to suggest that family ties were severed, it does however, speak to the volatility introduced by the new focus – the neoliberal capitalist society trend within the Tanzanian communities.

This saw the introduction of ‘patronistic’ and client-focused relationships within the ‘postcolonial’ environments, including Tanzania.

This serves as the “state-society linkage (and) accounts for the personality, materialistic and opportunistic character of (‘modern’ Tanzanian) politics” Berman (1998).

Ujamaa created new forms of household and kinship relations and reproduced synthetic ethnic practices in Tanzania.

It also introduced another type of proletarian segment of the society characterised by economic nepotistic politics, partisan politics, and nepotistic partisan politics.

It is important to make a distinction of these three viewpoints as they have importance in domestic politicking in the ‘postcolonial’ environments in Africa in relation to globalisation and development discourses.

First, economic nepotistic politics: this is a political structure where family/household and kinship ties play an important role in the recruitment practices in the ‘postcolonial’ environments.

Apart from demarcating household and or ethnic territory, it serves as an assurance of economic security when members of one such community lose a job or means of livelihood.

This has been described by the general public in Tanzania as “…getting in front of someone who works in the relevant industry, and being remembered by them when the right opportunity arises”.

Second, Partisan politics: this refers to political positions with the main focus on promoting one party’s politics. Such political inclination has only strengthened ruling class politics, hierarchy, and puppetry, Fanon (1963), Rodney (1981), Mbembe (2001). Such trend is clearly seen in how the chieftain positions were used by the colonial dominant powers for intermediary purposes West (1998), Samatar (1997), Berg-Schlosser (1984). This is trend is endemic Tanzania, Zambia and other countries in Africa.

Third, partisan nepotism: this is a political trend which is family/household or kinship based. This is rampant in the African ‘postcolonial’ political environments. We have many examples, including Yoweri Museveni of Uganda.

Even though Tanzania for a long time stood out among other East African Community (EAC) countries in maintaining a measure of ethnic diversity as far as leadership and political office-bearing roles are concerned, the country seemed to experience drastic changes in this respect.

More family members were brought into ruling party’s structures.

For example, in recent news, opposition Members of the Parliament were cited as decrying the rising levels of nepotism within the Tanzanian labour industry.

The parliamentarians were quoted as saying that “…vacant posts in the civil service are either filled by ‘Godfather’ clientele methods or by outright nepotism”, The Citizen (2007). Hopefully this will change with the recent changes at the Presidency.

Even though this speaks of recruitment within the civil service, it is not, however, limited within the confines of civil service sector.

Nepotism is an endemic trend even within the civil society and the recent decentralisation and devolution discourses in Tanzania does not make it any different, Berman (1998).

Entrenched in nepotistic social, economic, political and governing structures, it is not possible to promote equity and accountability in the postcolonial environments.