PEOPLE IN THE NEWS : Anna Senkoro’s indelible mark

Dar es Salaam. Women heads of state are rare in the world.

And in Tanzania women tend to keep out of politics despite forming a potentially largest voting bloc.However, Dr Anna Senkoro tried to break the jinx.

In 2005, she vied for presidency. To many Tanzanians that seemed to be a far-fetched dream.

She chose PPT-Maendeleo — a small opposition political party — as her polical vehicle.

It was small wonder that in the male-dominated political landscape she performed badly: obtaining only 18,741 votes or 0.17 per cent of total votes and emerged eighth out of 10 candidates.

Mr Jakaya Kikwete who run on a Chama Cha Mapinduzi ticket won the race.

But Dr Senkoro left an indelible mark in Tanzania history.

Born in 1962, Anna Claudia Senkoro, who passed away on January 4, this year, will be remembered by many as a Tanzanian politician who defied the odds to run for the topmost office in the land at a time when many people did not dream about a female president.

Dr Senkoro, who was for a long time a member of APPT-Maendeleo Party, shifted to CCM before moving to Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema).

During the 2015 General Election, her party announced in March that Dr Senkoro would stand as their presidential candidate before she defected to Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and few days before the election campaigns she moved to Chadema.

Apart from her political practice, Dr Senkoro was a medical doctor and a mother of three.

In one of her articles, an American journalist, Ms Abena Agyeman-Fisher, writing for CNN in October, 2015, used Dr Senkoro as a case study on how women across the world were struggling to win elections.

She set a good example. In June, 2015 Amina Salum Ali -- the former African Union ambassador to the United States -- became the first woman to announce her presidential aspirations since Dr Senkoro in 2005. Shortly thereafter, three other women stepped forward to run for the post through CCM.

Ultimately, though, it’s up to the party to nominate their candidates, and none of the women were chosen. CCM settled for Dr John Magufuli, the current President.

But, Ms Anna Mghwira followed footsteps of Dr Senkoro and ACT-Wazalendo nominated her to become the second female presidential hopeful in the country.

Though it cannot be linked direct to Dr Senkoro boldness 10 years before, Dr Magufuli chose a female running mate: the then minister of State, Ms Samia Suluhu Hassan, who now serves as Vice Presodent.

Ms Mary Rusimbi, the executive director of another women’s group, Women Fund Tanzania, told CNN that the advocacy of institutions like hers had helped to make a difference. “We had a hand in it,” she says. “We came out in the papers to say, ‘you must start bringing women into the nomination level, and if you don’t do that and support the gender agenda, then we will mobilise women not to vote for you.’”

Whether these tactics will work in the long run remains to be seen, but so far, the outlook is good and Dr Senkoro should be thanked by showing the way.

What prevents women’s participation in politics

According to Ms Fisher’s story in CNN, reasons for poor performance of women in elective politics are many. Female activists have always blamed the patriarchal system which sidelines women from positions of leadership.

In many interviews which she conducted in Tanzania in 2015, she was told that the system is run on the belief that women are weak and should only led by men.

Ms Usu Mallya, an activist on women and children rights, says many political parties have not put clear stratergies to give women a fair chance in participating in politics.

“Women must struggle to contest in elections, even presidential elections. Because, and ironically, it is only when women occupy positions of influence that they, themselves, can erase the patriachal system, reverse pieces of hostile legislation and usher in a new era where the rightful place of women in all sphere of influence is guaranteed,” Ms Mallya, the former director of the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme, says.

Ms Anna Jubilate Mushi, a researcher and activist with gender issues, says the environment in which elections take place is still retrogressive, male-dominated and an obstacle to women’s participation in elections.

“The revised Election Act of 2010, for example, still shows male bias and class bias in the language, composition of electoral commission, and exorbitant expenses required for contesting seats. In a context where marginalised women own few resources, everything to do with money has a gender and class implication. The issue of election deposits is a barrier for many women candidates,” Ms Mushi notes.

She says female candidates are more likely to be unable to raise the required sum, and therefore unable to go forward, than their male counterparts. In Tanzania, the presidential candidate is required to deposit Sh5 million while a parliamentary candidate will need to deposit Sh1 million, according to Ms Mushi.

“For women who manage to go through the deposit steps, they will then incur costs to deploy people to monitor, protect and count their votes during the Election Day in different polling stations within wards or in the constituencies they are contesting.”

Ms Mushi also says structures within political parties are not conducive to women’s participation, and lack of political support and leadership impact on their abilities to climb the electoral ladder.

“It is widely known that political parties use women in mobilising members, fund raising and campaigning for contestants who are mainly men,” she notes.

As part of efforts to boost women’s participation in politics the government started the quota system. The constitutional quota is 30 per cent and ensures that seats in Parliament are distributed to women on a proportional representation basis, after constituency based elections.

But the quota system can most certainly be used as an opportunity to increase the number of women in political offices. However, there remains the question of the extent to which the establishment of proper, concrete mechanisms to attain the parity, in line with international, regional and national commitments, is on the agenda of political parties or the government, Ms Mushi notes.

What should be done?

She says political will is vital. This should translate into, among other things, obliging political parties to practice internal democracy or to institute affirmative action to support the historically excluded groups such as women in decision making organs. Timely financial support for women contestants in capacity building and during campaigning is of importance to address women candidates’ relative lack of access to resources due to their low economic status and lack of economically powerful networks to support them accessing campaign resources.

“New candidates need exposure and understanding of the campaign strategy. This initial stage is normally self-sponsored and can disadvantage women who are not economically powerful.”